on 3 Dec, about 100 or 200 armed persons tried to attack the women's "house". They used poisoning acid gas. And the women fired the gas bottle to defense. The on lookers took the photos and videos, had been hit.
Yangzhou, dans la province de Jiangsu, est de la Chine. 2 vieux les femmes, plus de 60 ans, vivre dans une cage métal avec bouteille de gaz comme leur «garde d'armes" afin d'éviter d'être expulsion forcée. les 2 photos est pris le 21 nov, 2008.
voir les photo en haut
赵牧 @ 2008-12-15 21:59 阅读(1245) 评论(25) 推荐(23) 引用通告 分类: 时政民生
俩老妇被毒酸狂喷眼睛看不见，面部被毒气烧伤, 为自救手摸到了煤气罐打开钢瓶，煤气熊熊燃烧，黑道打手见煤气瓶火势凶猛，四处逃窜，以此，抗击百余黑道打手的侵害。 老妇关闭煤气后倒地喘息，黑道打手见煤气瓶关闭，二次狂攻又开始，对准铁笼中两老妇再次狂喷毒酸，黑道打手包围钢笼多次野蛮攻击，还用砖块等物砸向二老妇，引起群众义愤，一时交通堵塞！群众自发摄像者甚多、甚至还有人拍摄了黑道打手向铁笼中两老妇狂喷毒酸，煤气罐燃烧全部镜头。这些黑道打手对有义愤群众，竟公然围攻大打出手，打的无辜者在地面乱滚、血迹斑斑惨不忍睹。
Il se trompe, le prix est 50 cents RMB, environ 5 cents euro.
Act. 09.12.08; 11:23 Pub. 09.12.08; 10:45Des internautes chinois payés pour critiquer Sarkozypar Michel AnneseLes réactions des Chinois ont été virulentes après la rencontre entre Nicolas Sarkozy et le dalaï-lama. Les critiques sur le Web auraient été payées par le gouvernement chinois.
Chaque intervention sur le Web a été payée 5 fens, soit environ 1 centimes de francs. (Photo: Keystone)La rencontre de samedi dernier à Gdansk, en marge des célébrations du 25ème anniversaire de l’attribution du prix Nobel de la paix à Lech Walesa, n’a pas été digérée par les autorités chinoises et les critiques ont rapidement fusé sur le Web de la part d’internautes offusqués. Le président français a même été défini de «criminel» et de «grand idiot de l’Histoire» sur les principaux portails internet de Chine, selon Libération.fr.
Cependant, toutes ces critiques doivent être relativisées car certains Chinois auraient été payés pour déstabiliser le président français. Selon le journal français La Tribune, chaque critique envers Sarkozy sur le Web a ainsi été payée 5 fens, soit environ 1 centime de francs.
La brève rencontre n’a pas fini d’attiser la colère des Chinois. Ainsi, un sommet sino-européen qui avait été prévu à Lyon la semaine dernière a été annulé et l’ambassadeur de France en Chine, Hervé Ladsous, a été convoqué dimanche par le ministère des Affaires étrangères chinois, a fait savoir la chaîne de télévision CCTV. Un boycott des produits français avait même été lancé suite à cette rencontre, mais l’appel n’a pas eu l’effet escompté puisque les supermarchés Carrefour de la capitale chinoise étaient toujours aussi bondés le week-end dernier.
'Locked up for complaining in China'
By Chris Hogg BBC News, Xintai, Shandong province
In China, if you have a complaint about a corrupt official, or if you have been badly treated by the police, it is hard to get your voice heard.
They took me to the ward and tied me to the bed... Then they ground down the pills and forced the powder into my mouth with a syringe
Sun Fa Wu, 57In Shandong province, a small group of people claim they were locked up in a mental institution against their will after they dared to complain about the way the authorities treated them.
They now have the satisfaction of knowing their claims are being discussed on internet bulletin boards throughout the country.
And, unusually, their complaints have surfaced in the state media.
They were featured in an investigation by a Beijing newspaper into the treatment of "petitioners" - those who travel to the capital to air their grievances and petition the central authorities for their support.
The group, both men and women in their 40s or older, had different motives when they began petitioning, but all now have the same complaint: that they were detained illegally by the local officials they sought to expose.
They gather in a small insurance office next to a dusty road to tell their stories. Each is taking considerable risk in talking to a foreign journalist. All have been told in the past to "stop making trouble".
One man, Sun Fa Wu, is a 57-year-old with neatly styled grey hair, wearing a dark blue "Sun Yat Sen" suit.
He says he was locked up in the local mental asylum for three weeks in October after travelling to Beijing to petition officials there over damage to his land caused by mining.
As he describes how the doctors forced him to take medication, he twists and contorts his body to demonstrate how they manhandled him and grabs his own throat to show how he was forced to swallow the drugs.
"They took me to the ward and tied me to the bed," he says. "They pulled my hair and blindfolded me when I struggled. Then they ground down the pills and forced the powder into my mouth with a syringe."
His family pleaded with doctors to release him, he says. His mother was dying. Eventually his brother went down on his knees in front of the officials at the local council offices and begged them to let Mr Sun out of the asylum before his mother died.
They agreed, but it was too late. She had passed away.
'You will not win'
Another woman pushes forward, and spreads out photographs of her younger sister on the table. The pictures show a woman who has been badly beaten. There are huge welts and bruises all over her body.
Ms Xu says she was complaining about her sister's assault by policeThe woman telling her story - Xu Xue Ling, 46 - says her sister was beaten three times by the police. She started petitioning the authorities in Beijing to complain.
Eventually she was picked up in the Chinese capital and brought back to the mental asylum in the Xintai district.
That was in May. She was locked up there for six days.
"I told the doctors I was not a lunatic," the woman says. "I was just seeking justice for my sister. They said the local government has said you are a lunatic and they have paid money. If you want to fight the Communist Party you will not win."
These are serious allegations that are, at this stage, impossible to verify.
Staff the BBC spoke to at the mental asylum said they were not allowed to comment, although earlier on the phone they had denied flatly the claims of the petitioners.
The director's office inside the main block is a shabby, bare room with two desks and five files sitting in a neat row. There is no phone, no computer.
Across a yard is the building where the patients are kept. Staff say there are 71 at present, housed in two wings, one for men and one for women. It is a shabby, run-down building.
The asylum's director did not want to talk to the BBC"Most of our patients come from rural areas," staff members explain. "There isn't much money to care for them."
A few patients can be seen in the shadows as the afternoon light fades, shuffling along aimlessly, sometimes pausing to look out of the window.
The staff said the asylum's director, Dr Wu, would appear "soon" to give his side of the story, but after a three-hour wait there was no sign of him.
Later our driver told us he had seen several official-looking vehicles sweep out of the compound earlier. There were lots of police vehicles around.
It appeared we were duped, perhaps kept out of the way while officials from various bodies who had been meeting at the hospital could leave unobserved.
All further inquiries were referred to the local government offices in Xintai. There an official in the information office, Mr Sun, said that the council had set up an investigation team after they had seen the Beijing newspaper's report.
"Once that was completed," he said, "they will be able to tell people the truth."
Chinese government officials recently let it be known that they would allow articles to be published in the state media that were more critical of the establishment.
The reporter who compiled the investigation for the Beijing News, Huang Yuhao, told the BBC that so far there had been no reprisals directed against him or his newspaper.
The petitioners in Xintai say they have nothing left to fear from speaking out. They complain that they have suffered greatly already. What worse could happen to them?
Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link（林培瑞）
The following text of Charter 08, signed by hundreds of Chinese intellectuals and translated and introduced by Perry Link, Professor of Chinese Literature at the University of California, Riverside, will be published in the issue of The New York Review dated January 15, which goes on sale on January 2.—The Editors
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a
loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend “Charter 08” to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
—Perry LinkCharter 08
I. ForewordA hundred years have passed since the writing of China’s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.
By departing from these values, the Chinese government’s approach to “modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China’s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China’s imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both “self-strengthening” and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a “cultural illness” was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of “science and democracy.” Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The “new China” that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that “the people are sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is all-powerful.” The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966–1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens’ rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of “Reform and Opening” gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of “rights” to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase “respect and protect human rights”; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a “national human rights action plan.” Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.
II. Our Fundamental PrinciplesThis is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China’s recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.
Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of “fairness in all under heaven.” It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics: (1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. (2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make. (3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections. (4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
III. What We AdvocateAuthoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an “enlightened overlord” or an “honest official” and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens’ rights, and social development:
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China’s democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of “Reeducation through Labor” must be abolished.
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on “one person, one vote.” The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
8. Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which requires a group to be “approved,” should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to “the crime of incitement to subvert state power” must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens’ rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government—central, provincial, county or local—are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China’s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens’ movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.
—translated from The Chinese by Perry Link
When something against the Chinese government happens, the Chinese ministry of foreign affairs always says a sentence: "... hurt the feeling of Chinese people". the most recent reason is Nicolas Sarkozy met Dalai Lama. Someone gives a report of how many countries and times of hurting the felling of Chinese people. the data source is the People Daily (the official news paper in china)database from 1946 to 2006.
Japan 47 times.
U.S.A 23 times.
NATO 10 times.
India 7 times.
France 5 times.
Nobel Prize Committee 4 times.
Germany, Vatican 3 times.
European Parliament, Guatemala 2 times.
And some other countries.
The reasons include: world war 2, Taiwan want to join the U.N. , Tibet, etc... here is the map, the black are the countries who hurt the feeling of Chinese people.
To me, this is just a big joke, which reflect the bad reputation of Chinese government.
Quand quelque chose contre le gouvernement chinois se passe, le ministère chinois des Affaires étrangères dit toujours une phrase: "... blessé les sentiments du peuple chinois". la plus récente raison est Nicolas Sarkozy a rencontré Dalaï Lama. Quelqu'un donne un rapport de combien de pays et de fois de blessé les sentiments du peuple chinois. La source de données est le quotidien populaire (le journal officiel en Chine) base de données de 1946 à 2006.
Japon 47 fois.
Etats Unis 23 fois.
OTAN 10 fois.
Inde 7 fois.
France 5 fois.
la Commission de Prix Nobel 4 fois.
Allemagne, 3 fois.
Vatican. Parlement européen, au Guatemala 2 fois.
Et certains autres pays.
Les raisons sont: La 2ème Guerre Mondiale, Taiwan souhaitent adhérer à l'ONU, Tibet, etc .. Voici la carte, le noir sont les pays qui ont blessé les sentiments du peuple chinois.
Pour moi, il s'agit juste d'un gros blague, qui traduisent la mauvaise réputation du gouvernement chinois.
Nicolas Sarkozy met Dalai Lama, the chines government is not happy. I had said in china, the media is controlled by the government. Look at the comments here, more than 11 000 comments, but we can only see about 3 000, which are against the France. because all the comments support the France or against the Chinese government could not been seen. So, you see the reality.
Nicolas Sarkozy a rencontre Dalai Lama. Le gouvernement chinois n'est pas content. J'ai dit en chine, les media est contrôle par le gouvernement. Voyez les commentaires ici, plus que 11 000 de commentaires, mais on peut voir environ les 3000, qui sont contre la France. Parce que tout les commentaires support la France ou contre le gouvernement chinois ne peut pas être voir. Donc, vous savez la real.
Shanghai, two university students went to shanghai committee of education, accuse that their teacher “anti-revolution”. They declare that the teacher said the negative opinions of the government and the communism etc.
Anti-revolution, a very typical Chinese word, was often used during the culture revolution. Today, it is replaced by “the crime of subverting state power”. Hu Jia was accused as it and put in prison just because he wrote some articles against the Olympic Games and the human rights in china.
In china, the freedom of speech is still a “dream”, here is the news said the control of media starts again. Any negative news about the government or the CCP should be deleted and the guy who posts them on the Internet will be punished.
Shanghai, deux étudiantes d'université s'est rendue à Shanghai comité de l'éducation, accusent leur enseignant que "anti-révolution". Elles déclarent que l'enseignant dit les opinions négatives du gouvernement et du communisme, etc.
Anti-révolution, un mot très typiquement chinois, a souvent été utilisé au cours de la révolution de la culture. Aujourd'hui, il est remplacé par "le crime de subvertir le pouvoir de l'État». Hu Jia a été accusé et mis en prison simplement parce qu'il a écrit des articles contre le Jeux Olympique et le droit de l'homme en Chine.
En Chine, la liberté d'expression est encore un "rêve", voici la nouvelle a déclaré que le contrôle des médias commence à nouveau. Toutes les nouvelles négatives sur le gouvernement ou le PCC devraient être supprimé et les personnes qui les postent sur l'Internet seront punies.
In China, there exist a very strange type of "police" called "city's manger" or "city's man". They are not police, some of them are civil services (depend on cities), but they are more power (violence) than police. They have the power to amerce the small peddlers who occupies the footpath or some other illegal places. It seems they do their work correctly, and good for the city. In deed, there are so many negative news about them, due to the violence. They works with violence, sometimes even kill the onlooker, who just take the photos of their violence and refuse to delete them. As the traditional way of trade the bad news like this, the Chinese government said the city men are casual laborer and the onlooker has malady before. At the end, the punish is very light.
This is a very rare positive news of the city man. A Chinese old woman, 83 years old, sells balloons for living. In China, most of the farmers do not have any social assurance, the medical, retire, etc. When the city men saw her, they said: "hide behind the car". In my remembers, this is the only positive news about them, and the comments are positive too.
But it seems that the local bureau of civil affairs need to do something...
En Chine, il existe un type très bizzar de "police" , appelé "mangeure de la ville" ou "ville homme". Ils ne sont pas la police, certains d'entre eux sont des fonctionnairs, (selon les villes), mais ils sont plus de foret (la violence) que la police. Ils ont le pouvoir de amerce les petits colporteurs qui occupe le trottoir ou d'autres lieux illégaux.Il semble qu'ils font leur travail correctement, et bien pour la ville. En fait, il y a tellement de nouvelles négatives sur eux, en raison de la violence. Ils travaille avec violence, parfois même tuer le spectateur, qui vient de prendre les photos de leur violence et refuser de les supprimer. Comme la méthode traditionnelle de l'échange des mauvaises nouvelles comme cela, le gouvernement chinois a déclaré les ville hommes sont ouvrier occasionnel et le spectateur a eu mal avant. À la fin, le punir est très léger.
Il s'agit d'un très rares bonnes nouvelles sur la ville l'homme. Une vieille femme chinoise, 83 ans, vend des ballons pour la vie. En Chine, la plupart des agriculteurs n'ont pas d'assurance sociale, les services médicaux, retraite, etc. Lorsque la ville hommes la ont vus, ils ont dit: "Cachez derrière de la voiture". Dans mon souvenir, c'est la seule bonne nouvelle sur eux, et les commentaires sont positifs aussi.
Mais il semble que le bureau local des affaires civiles doit faire quelque chose ...